Sahara
A guide through the Saharan desert.

Policies promoting resource efficiency and environmentally conscious energy production have swept Europe over the past few years. As one of the world's largest emitters of greenhouse gases, the European Union has pledged to transform its entire energy landscape by 2050 as part of its European Green Deal, introduced in 2020. And while the United Kingdom is no longer a member state of the EU, its energy security and development plans of reaching net zero emission targets, combined with the country's plans under its new Labour government to make Britain a 'clean power', remain closely aligned with those of its partners across the Channel.

Global Situation

Russia's military aggression and unlawful war in Ukraine infused the policy issue with a geopolitical component, necessitating the substitution of the sources of energy imports in the UK and in continental Europe for reasons of national security, too.

In light of recent declarations of intent to collaborate with Western European allies on several foreign policy issues — climate change included – the Labour leadership might do well also to take a page out of Europe's book on investments in the future of energy supply. In the already ongoing Africa-Europe Green Energy programme, the EU, its members, and various European investment banks are preparing market conditions for a significant upsurge in public-private investments in Africa's energy sector. This initiative aims to improve Africa's indigenous energy production capabilities and promote excess production via reliable partners for export to Europe.

b since the advent of renewables. Far from leaving such potential to languish in the realm of theory, EU decision-makers seem to have taken concrete steps to harness these resources. Germany, for one, has already struck a long-term cooperation deal with Morocco to develop further the latter's already notable green hydrogen production capabilities. Green hydrogen and the more mature technology of green ammonia, both produced by using renewable energy resources such as wind and solar power, can be used to power electricity grids in a zero-carbon way. Their production, however, requires significant investments in infrastructure.

Joining in on public-private investment projects in Morocco with Germany and other EU member states would represent one avenue for Labour to put money where its mouth is. Importantly, it would also be an opportunity to create synergy with another one of their proposed foreign policy priorities, namely, refocusing efforts on development in Africa.

Labour leaders have stressed the preceding Conservative governments' failure to prioritise African nations as partners for sustainable development. What Labour denounced as a Tory deconstruction of Britain's forward-looking diplomatic, economic and international development policies towards Africa could gain new momentum under a UK-EU-Africa energy plan. Any sensible foreign direct investment and development aid plan should prioritise Sub-Saharan Africa's chronic energy deficiency, which leaves at least half its population without electricity and severely constrains local growth opportunities. A boost in investments in Africa's green energy production and economy could create as many as 3.3 million jobs by 2030 alone.

A broader sustainable energy programme would create tremendous opportunities for African nations and incentivise cooperation and investment on their part. Still, it would position the continent—with its leading energy producers—as reliable long-term partners for British clean energy imports. An energy transition and corresponding industrialisation of the continent could follow up on this with millions more jobs and many opportunities for local populations.

Regarding long-standing allies, especially those with the necessary natural resources to turn such a programme into reality, Morocco stands out as a unique partner to which the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office should be devoted. Importantly, under King Mohammed VI's leadership, Morocco has the entrepreneurial spirit and commitment to its long-standing Western partnerships to become such an energy hub, investing massively in renewable energies as early as two decades ago, with a particular focus on the development of the south.

Plan In The Making

Over the past twenty years, Morocco has significantly expanded its economic ties with other African countries and has championed initiatives to decrease the fragmentation of trade and other business exchanges between West Africa, the Sahel, and Sub-Saharan Africa. An example is the ambitious Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project, which plans to create a 7,000-km-long link passing through more than a dozen West African countries, capable of carrying 30 bcm of gas annually. Then, the pipeline could also be expanded to Spain.

Before starting work towards creating an integrated West- and Sub-Saharan African energy network and the production of green hydrogen and green ammonia for the benefit of both African and European consumers, specific geopolitical challenges need to be resolved.

The Western Sahara's unresolved legal status and Russia's increasing penetration of the Sahel via its mercenary groups present considerable challenges, as a policy paper by the Cambridge Middle East and North Africa Forum highlights. Morocco has had a strong case for claiming sovereignty over the territory, and such a prospect would benefit regional interconnectivity—as well as benefit conflict resolution by increasing the prosperity of the region—achieving international recognition to this end, which Germany, France, Spain and the United States notably support, is a separate question.

A strategic goal recognised by all the parties mentioned above and shared by West African Nations is that the region's renewable resources must be shared and can only be developed collectively for optimal benefit.

Overcoming Geopolitical Challenges

Notwithstanding, if Labour leaders are serious about an ambitious and actionable foreign policy programme in the next few years, such geopolitical challenges should no longer be treated as insurmountable. UK Export Finance has both the financial resources and the know-how to make a difference in the region, but this would necessitate a change of position compared to previous British governments.

Labour can introduce a new status quo in its partnerships with African nations and prioritise maximum value creation instead of extractive relationships and preferential agreements. Strengthening the UK's relationship with Morocco by unequivocally recognizing its sovereignty over the Western Sahara, and building further on existing British ties with African members (as well as non-members) of the Commonwealth of Nations would offer a way for Labour to pursue its goals of energy security, climate-change-related improvements, and international development in Africa in parallel with each other.

About the author:

Richard Dickenson is an entrepreneur in the green energy space. He has led development projects in East Africa, China and across the Middle East. Richard is driven by his passion for innovation and technological progress. Richard studied in the United States and Canada and has been working in the field for over five years.